題型與計分都照真實考試。多選題採學測的部分給分:答錯 k 個選項得 (n − 2k)/n,算出負值以零分計——所以亂猜的期望值是負的。
綜合測驗:The Repair Café
On the second Saturday of every month, a community hall in Rotterdam fills with broken things. People arrive carrying toasters, lamps, bicycle wheels, and jackets with failed zippers. Volunteers with tools sit at long tables. Nothing is sold, and nothing is thrown away without first being 1.
The rule that makes a repair café different from a repair shop is that owners must stay and watch. They are not customers dropping something off; they are apprentices for an afternoon. A volunteer will open the toaster, point to the broken contact, and hand over the screwdriver. The 2 is not efficiency but transfer: the next time something fails, one more person has some idea where to look.
Roughly two-thirds of the items that arrive leave working. The rest are 3 beyond repair, usually for the same reason — the manufacturer glued the case shut, or the replacement part is no longer made, or a chip inside refuses to work with anything but its original charger. Volunteers keep records of these failures, and the records have turned out to be politically useful. 4 thousands of such reports, campaigners in Europe were able to show that unrepairable design was a pattern rather than an accident.
That evidence contributed to legislation. Manufacturers of certain appliances must now make spare parts available for years after a model is discontinued. The change is modest, and it was 5 hard: an industry built on replacement has little reason to welcome a movement built on repair.
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綜合測驗:Why Deadlines Move
Ask a group of students when they will finish a term paper, and their answers will cluster around a date they will almost all miss. Ask the same students when they finished their last three papers, and they can tell you 1 — usually a week later than they had planned. The information needed to make a better prediction is already in their heads. They just do not use it.
Psychologists call this the planning fallacy, and its most striking feature is how 2 it is to experience. Being reminded of past delays barely helps. Neither does being told about the fallacy itself. In one study, students who were explicitly asked to recall similar past assignments still produced estimates that were far too optimistic, though their memories of the delays were accurate.
The explanation seems to lie in what we attend to when we plan. Planning is naturally forward-looking and specific: we imagine the steps, and each step, 3, looks manageable. What we do not imagine is the ordinary interference — a broken laptop, a sick child, a request from a supervisor — because interference has no shape until it arrives.
One method does work, and it works by refusing to use imagination at all. Instead of asking how long this project will take, ask how long 4 projects took. Construction firms that adopted this approach cut their overruns substantially. It feels wrong to planners, because it ignores everything they know about the specific job in front of them, and that is exactly 5 it succeeds.
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文意選填:The Words That Count
字庫(每個字只能用一次)
(A) abstract (B) acquire (C) assumed (D) capacity (E) exact
(F) figures (G) inherited (H) limited (I) puzzled (J) reveal
For most of the twentieth century, linguists 1 that every human language had words for numbers. Counting seemed as basic as naming colors — a 2 that came with being human.
Then fieldwork in the Amazon complicated the picture. Some languages, it turned out, have only a 3 set of quantity words: something like "one," "two," and "many." Speakers of these languages are not bad at practical reasoning; they simply have no words for 4 quantities above two.
The obvious question is whether that changes how they think. Careful experiments 5 something more interesting than either side of the debate expected. Asked to match a row of five nuts with a row of the same length, speakers performed as well as anyone. Asked to remember five nuts after the row had been hidden, they did not. What number words seem to support is not counting itself but holding an 6 quantity in mind once the objects are gone.
This 7 many researchers, because number words had long been treated as labels for concepts we already possess. The Amazonian evidence points closer to the reverse: the words are tools, and children who 8 them gain an ability they did not have before.
None of this is 9 from a parent, in the way eye color is. Children in every society learn to count from other people, slowly and with a great deal of correction. The 10 look ordinary enough — one, two, three — but each of them is a small piece of technology.
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閱讀測驗:The Ghost Fleet
A fishing net does not stop working when it is lost. Cut loose in a storm or abandoned when it snags, it drifts on, catching fish that no one collects. The catch dies, attracts scavengers, and catches them too. Fisheries scientists call the process ghost fishing, and a single lost net can continue it for years.
Estimates of the scale vary widely, which is itself part of the problem. Nobody is required to report a lost net. The most cited figure — that abandoned gear makes up a tenth of ocean plastic by weight — comes from a study whose authors described it as a rough first attempt, yet it now appears in policy documents without that warning attached.
What is not in doubt is that the gear is unusually harmful for its weight. A plastic bottle is inert. A net is engineered to catch things and keeps doing so with no one operating it. In one survey off the coast of Washington, a single recovered net was found to have trapped more than a thousand animals, including seabirds and a young seal.
Solutions divide into two kinds, and the difference matters. The first is technical: biodegradable panels that fail after a few months, or transponders that let a boat find its own gear again. These work, and they cost money that no individual skipper has a reason to spend, since a net that is already lost is somebody else's problem.
The second kind is structural. Norway has run a system since the 1980s in which lost gear can be reported without penalty and a government vessel retrieves it each summer. Reporting is free, retrieval is public, and the incentive to stay quiet disappears. The scheme recovers hundreds of nets a year. Its cost is a rounding error beside the value of the fish those nets would have killed — which is the argument, and also the reason it took forty years for anyone else to copy it.
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What makes ghost fishing self-sustaining, according to the first paragraph?
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Why does the author mention how the "most cited figure" was produced?
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Why are technical solutions alone unlikely to work?
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What does the author suggest by the final sentence?
閱讀測驗:The Price of Free Returns
Online clothing retailers discovered early that a generous returns policy sells clothes. If a shopper can send back anything that does not fit, at no cost, the decision to buy stops feeling like a decision at all. Conversion rates rise. So, inevitably, do returns.
In several European markets, more than a third of clothing bought online now comes back. For some categories — women's dresses, formal shoes — the figure passes half. A practice has emerged that the industry calls bracketing: ordering the same item in three sizes, keeping one, returning two. From the shopper's side this is entirely rational. The retailer has said the returns are free, and for the shopper they are.
They are not free for the retailer, and the arithmetic is worse than most people assume. A returned garment must be shipped back, opened, inspected, steamed, repackaged, and relisted, and by the time all of that is done it has often missed the season it was made for. Handling a return typically costs more than the margin on the sale, which means the item must be sold at a discount or not sold at all. A widely reported estimate suggests that a meaningful share of returned clothing is never resold. The exact fraction is disputed, and companies have little reason to publish it.
Some retailers have responded by charging for returns. The results are consistent and unwelcome: returns fall, and so do sales, usually by more than the savings. Shoppers who are charged do not order more carefully; they order somewhere else.
The interventions that do work are less visible. Better size charts help. So do photographs of the same garment on bodies of different shapes, and reviews that state the reviewer's measurements. One retailer reported that adding a single line — the height and usual size of the model in each photograph — cut returns by several percentage points. None of this is glamorous, and none of it makes a headline. It just means fewer parcels going back.
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According to the first paragraph, why do free returns increase sales?
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What does the author mean by saying bracketing is "entirely rational" from the shopper's side?
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Why does charging for returns fail as a solution?
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What do the effective interventions in the last paragraph have in common?